A Theological Critique of Conservative Politics

Disclaimer time:  the views expressed here do not represent you know, whoever disagrees with them.

Oliver O’Donovan’s The Desire of Nations is a difficult but spectacular book that seeks to ‘rediscover the roots of political theology’.  It is essentially a long theological exposition of the concept of authority in the Bible, with a focus on the way in which earthly authorities are both established and relativized by the advent of God’s authority in Jesus.  I highly recommend it.  O’Donovan is at his best as he draws  together and applies concepts toward the end of the book.  His discussion of the biblical concept of liberty vis-à-vis that of modern liberalism is especially insightful. (Note: ‘liberalism’ refers to all Western, democratic political structures since the Enlightenment.  Both Republicans and Democrats are liberals in this sense.)

Summing up the biblical notion of freedom, O’Donovan says:

We discover we are free when we are commanded by that authority which commands us according to the law of our being, disclosing the secrets of the heart.  There is no freedom except when what we are, and do, corresponds to what has been given us to be and to do. …We must receive ourselves from outside ourselves, addressed by a summons which evokes that correspondence of existence to being.  ‘Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty(2 Cor. 3:18). (252)

This is, of course, in contrast to the two variations of ‘freedom’ on offer in modern political discourse, the negative as ‘freedom from control’, and the positive as ‘freedom for self-realisation.’ ‘The one consists in the abolition of oppressive constraints, the other in opportunities which are somehow given as a birthright; the one lacks an end beyond the goal of liberation itself, the other needs liberation to bring its end within reach’ (255).  These both get at things that are essential to the theological definition of freedom stated above, but as it stands they both have one fatal flaw: they are predicated on an individualistic ontology.  As such, they are always at odds and never in concert.  One can see this in our current political dialogue.

Much of the current ‘conservative’ political agenda is polemically cast as advancing ‘freedom from control’:  we do not want big government, more taxes, or more regulations.  Why?  Because it is these things that will stymie our ‘freedom for self-realisation’—let us invest our money, use our resources, and realize our potential.  The ‘liberal’ agenda, on the other hand, wants to provide ‘freedom for self-realisation’: they want everyone to have meaningful jobs, the opportunity to buy things, and protection from others who would infringe upon these rights.  So the means to secure ‘freedom for self-realisation’ for the ‘liberal’ is likewise to secure ‘freedom from control’.  In the end, your ‘freedom for self-realisation’ always intrudes upon my ‘freedom from control’.  What matters to me is me and what matters to you is you.  Thus it is individualistic conceptions of freedom that ultimately lead to the partisan nature of our politics.

(A partisan note: by my judgment, one of the developments of the last couple of decades is the  ‘conservative’ radicalization that posits two absolute axioms.  First, the idea that their ‘freedom from control’ will not at all intrude upon others ‘freedom for self-realisation’.  Second, they insist that it is actually their ‘freedom for self-realisation’ that will ultimately secure the same freedom for others (e.g., business owners are not controllers of wealth, they are ‘job-creators’, etc.).)

The desperate need of American political life is some sort of ontology of the nation, one that recognizes that I do not have my being, nor my freedom, outside of my relations with those around me.  I can only receive freedom through others and I can only be free for others.   And this type of freedom is only made possible through some sort of submission to authority.  Such an ontology is obviously dependent on theology, and most will conclude that such a conception of freedom is impossible in modernity.  What is possible, however, is that Christians wake up from their political slumber and stop arguing for the ‘conservative’, individualistic notion of freedom as if it directly equates to the freedom the Bible talks about.

(Addendum: Why am I picking on conservatives?  Because I have so much more in common with them.)

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4 responses to “A Theological Critique of Conservative Politics”

  1. Kenny

    This was a great, concise critique of the typical conservative (and liberal) conception of liberty, but it felt curtailed. I was left wanting one of two things: either an equally full critique of the liberal view (your closing parentheses notwithstanding) or a paragraph or two delving into possible implications for convicted conservatives. Where do we go from here? I get the impression that freedom through and for others would not make for a popular political system. So what do we do with it?

    1. Kenny, I can certainly agree with your comments-it is curtailed and incomplete. My philosophy on blogging is that this is a place to thoughtfully raise questions and test out hypotheses, without needing to be conclusive. So your questions are the next logical step. If this is the biblical concept of freedom, how does it impact our politics? Exactly…

      As for not critiquing the liberals: I don’t think they deserve or need it as much, at least not in fiscal matters. The conservatives, since Reagan, have absolutized their position to a ridiculous degree. The liberals, by contrast, seem to have room for an interplay between social and individual aspects of freedom.

      I guess I mostly had fiscal matters in view here, and I didn’t state that. When it comes to so-called social issues, my critique would probably be aimed at the liberals: they fail to recognize the social nature of one’s moral choices.

  2. Ryan

    Very well said, Matt. I really enjoyed this post.

    However, I’m curious why you think that the definition of freedom you give at the end of the paragraph is not possible without submission to an authority grounded in theology.

    1. Ryan,

      I’m assuming that genuine authority, one that has a ‘right’ to obedience is authority that somehow derives from God. Otherwise, the person submitting to that authority can always opt-out if the situation no longer meets their fancy. I think that a “social contract” remains individualistic to its core.

      Your question is what really made me think about what I was assuming in saying this–and now I’m not so sure of whether there is legitimacy to what I’m saying and how I’m saying it. I’ll have to keep thinking through it. Let me know if you have any additional thoughts.

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